Publication
Omar Shaban Ismail · PalThink for Strategic Studies · 2014
Omar Shaban criticizes the handling of the 2009 Sharm el-Sheikh donors’ conference and the Palestinian government’s $2.8 billion plan, which allocated $1.326 billion, or 48%, to Gaza reconstruction and $1.450 billion, or 52%, to supporting the Palestinian Authority budget and chronic deficit. He argues that Gaza institutions were excluded from planning, transparency was lacking despite $4.7 billion in pledges, and more than 500 families affected by the 2008–2009 war were still waiting for reconstruction. Ahead of a new Oslo conference, he warns against repeating these failures and calls for genuine partnership with Gaza, prioritizing reconstruction over budget-gap financing, and publishing a detailed account of all cash and in-kind aid, spending items, disbursement mechanisms, and authorized bodies.
Omar Shaban, August 2014: He warns against repeating donor failures and calls for full transparency and Gaza-first reconstruction.
In the aftermath of the first Israeli war on the Gaza Strip, December 2008–January 2009, with all the destruction, killing, and displacement it left behind, a donors’ conference was called under the title “Reconstruction of the Gaza Strip.” It was held in the Egyptian city of Sharm el-Sheikh on 2 March 2009, with the participation of representatives of 70 countries and 16 regional organizations. At that conference, the Palestinian government at the time, headed by Dr. Salam Fayyad, who was also its Minister of Finance, presented its plan valued at $2.8 billion, of which $1.326 billion, “48%,” was allocated for the reconstruction of Gaza, while $1.450 billion, “52%,” was allocated to support the Palestinian Authority budget and cover its chronic budget deficit.
The plan was prepared without any participation from institutions in the Gaza Strip, and the conference hall was large enough for all the delegations of the world except representatives from the Gaza Strip. The plan was presented in English, and an Arabic version was not made available until months later. This demonstrated conclusively the government’s disregard at the time for the concept and principles of partnership and consultation with Palestinian society and its institutions. The donor countries and agencies pledged $4.7 billion, or 167% more than what the Palestinian government had requested in its plan. We are the only authority in the world that is given more than it asks for. Despite all the talk that gave us a severe headache about transparency and that Gaza receives 56% of the general budget, no detailed disclosure has been provided to this day on the results of the Sharm el-Sheikh conference; it is not known how much was actually paid, and how it was allocated. What many do not know is that more than 500 families affected by the 2008–2009 war are still on the waiting list despite the huge sums pumped in for reconstruction.
There is now talk of a new donors’ conference to be held at the beginning of September in Oslo, the capital of Norway, with the aim of mobilizing funds for the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip. If this conference is held, it will be recorded in human history that the Gaza Strip, that very small and densely populated area, is the only place that has been subjected to three devastating wars and has witnessed reconstruction three times in seven years—a very short period in the life of nations—during which huge sums were allocated, yet the Gaza Strip still suffers from poverty, unemployment, continuous electricity cuts, and the evident weakness of infrastructure services.
And since history repeats itself so that we may learn, then: will our current government avoid the shortcomings of, and disregard shown by, previous governments toward the Gaza Strip? Will the plan be presented in English or in Arabic? I remind the Palestinian government—perhaps the reminder may be of use—that Arabic is the primary language in Palestine, and that Palestine is a member of the League of Arab States, not a member of the British Commonwealth. Will the thousands of families who lost their homes and are living in the open or in schools wait for years to come before obtaining their right to a home that guarantees them respect and dignity? And will we in the Gaza Strip wait for years before we regain electricity and some dignity? The slowness in meeting the needs of thousands of displaced persons will turn the entire Gaza Strip into a vast refugee camp, with tens of thousands of tents spread across it, which constitutes a violation of people’s dignity and a denial of their steadfastness. It will also create serious social, humanitarian, and health crises, and will consume vast areas of agricultural land. In addition, the continued presence of millions of tons of rubble will cause an environmental disaster and a public health hazard.
Will the suffering of our people in the Gaza Strip be exploited to obtain international aid allocated to cover the chronic budget deficit resulting from the mismanagement of the Ministry of Finance, instead of supporting our people in the Gaza Strip who lived through days and nights of terror under an aggression the likes of which had never been seen before? We must not allow this, and institutions and political forces—not only in the Gaza Strip but in the northern governorates as well—together with their national figures and members of the Legislative Council, must confront all attempts to marginalize the Gaza Strip and put an end to dealing lightly with its suffering. The Gaza Strip is an integral part of the Palestinian political project and must be treated on an equal footing and through a genuine, effective partnership that goes beyond polished statements.
I reiterate what I had previously called for in an article published earlier addressed to Minister Shawqi Al-Issa, Minister of Social Affairs and Chairman of the Emergency Committee supervising the aid allocated to the Gaza Strip.
Mr. Minister: in your capacity as Chairman of the Central Emergency Committee, I call on you to prepare a detailed list including all cash and in-kind donations and aid allocated to the Gaza Strip, as well as the items of expenditure, the mechanism of disbursement, and the entities authorized to undertake it. This is in order to enhance transparency and trust and to restore emotional unity before political unity among our people in the northern and southern governorates, and with the Palestinian Authority and its people. I reaffirm that the Palestinian people in the southern governorates and the northern governorates are united and of one heart despite the poisonous attempts by those whose time has expired to spread a spirit of hatred and racism among them.
Topic: Gaza Reconstruction — Donor Aid · Gaza Politics · Reconstruction · International Community · Aid Governance — Original source