Media coverage
Le Monde · 2005-04-22
Omar Shaban, a Gaza-based economist, argues that the Israeli withdrawal could create major economic opportunities in Gaza, especially in agriculture and tourism, but that it will not by itself ensure better days for Palestinians unless borders by land, sea, and air are opened and resources are managed well and transparently. He stresses that the Palestinian Authority must avoid the mistakes of the past, prevent monopolies, and establish an independent expert commission to manage evacuated settlement lands while balancing economic return with political considerations. He warns that the post-withdrawal period is a final chance to prove Palestinian competence to the international community, and that failure could be used to justify withholding any further land transfers.
Omar Shaban, a Gaza-based economist, argues that the Israeli withdrawal could create major economic opportunities in Gaza, especially in agriculture and tourism, but that it will not by itself ensure better days for Palestinians unless borders by land, sea, and air are opened and resources are mana…
An economist based in Gaza, Omar Shaban is an adviser to the interministerial commission tasked with considering the future of the areas that are to be evacuated by the Israeli army and settlers.
To what extent can the Israeli withdrawal help resolve the economic crisis that has gripped the Gaza Strip since the beginning of the Intifada?
I come from the city of Deir El-Balah, in the center of the Gaza Strip. When I was a kid, I worked in the summer in a packing factory located in the neighboring settlement of Neve Dekalim. If I revive my memories of that period, I spontaneously tell myself that Gush Katif is the equivalent of California and that fine economic opportunities, especially in tourism, await us. The hundreds of hectares of greenhouses it contains can also create thousands of jobs. But we must be careful. The oil windfall did not truly develop the monarchies of the Persian Gulf. It made their populations lazy and showy. Oil was a factor of “de-development.” In itself, consequently, the Israeli withdrawal does not necessarily guarantee better days for the Palestinians. Whether it is mud or oil, success depends first and foremost on how the resource is managed.
What is the role of the Israeli government, from this point of view?
It is obvious that, without the capacity to trade—that is to say, without the opening of the land, sea, and air borders that are under Israel’s control—the economic benefits of the withdrawal will be meager. But the responsibility of the Palestinian Authority is just as important. It must correct the mistakes of the past nine years. The people of Gaza must not think that a new monopoly is being put in place—emblematic of the Oslo economic system, these exclusive import contracts enriched a few well-placed Israeli and Palestinian businessmen, to the detriment of the population. The Authority’s policy can either intensify the chaos in the Gaza Strip or restore confidence between the population and its leaders.
Who should decide on the allocation and possible redevelopment of the land abandoned by the settlers?
Managing the post-withdrawal period is a task that far exceeds the technical and financial capacities of the Palestinian Authority. It is impossible to ask an underpaid Palestinian employee to negotiate with Sheraton management over the creation of a hotel on the beaches of Gush Katif.
To prevent a private investor from dictating his wishes to the public authorities, as often happens in the Third World, an independent commission composed of experts appointed by the government must be created as a matter of urgency. It will be up to them to draw up a plan transparently and submit it to Parliament. That is how Germany managed the conversion of the sites abandoned by the Red Army in the wake of reunification.
How can the security of the evacuated land be ensured?
For thirty years, Yasser Arafat spoke to the whole world except to his own people. This culture must change. If the Palestinian Authority explains to the inhabitants of Rafah and Khan Younès that, the day after the withdrawal, visits to the settlements will be organized by bus in order to celebrate the victory, then a single policeman will be enough to protect Gush Katif. The Authority must balance the concern for financial profitability, which depends on the economic development of the sites and their possible sale, with the concern for political profitability, which requires distributing certain plots to the population.
Ultimately, can the withdrawal be an opportunity for the Palestinians?
I am not sure Ariel Sharon conceived it in that sense. But I know that we have no right to make mistakes. The Palestinian regime is like a student who has failed all his exams and is getting one last chance to prove his worth before the international community.
That chance is the post-withdrawal period. If we fail to carry it through successfully, we risk no longer receiving from Israel a single additional piece of land. “Look,” Sharon will say, “I gave them Gaza, and they did not know how to manage it.” — (Interim)
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